Obama vs. Honduran Democracy
The Obama administration is using its brass knuckles to
support Latin American thugs.
By Mary O'Grady
WSJ.com
If the Obama administration were a flotilla of ships, it might be sending out
an SOS right about now. ObamaCare has hit the political equivalent of an
iceberg. And last week the president’s international prestige was broadsided by
the Scots, who set free the Lockerbie bomber without the least consideration of
American concerns. Mr. Obama’s campaign promise of restoring common sense to
budget management is sleeping with the fishes.
This administration needs a win. Or more accurately, it can't bear another
loss right now. Most especially it can't afford to be defeated by the government
of a puny Central American country that doesn't seem to know its place in the
world and dares to defy the imperial orders of Uncle Sam.
I'm referring, of course, to Honduras, which despite two months of intense
pressure from Washington is still refusing to reinstate Manuel Zelaya, its
deposed president. Last week the administration took off the gloves and sent a
message that it would use everything it has to break the neck of the Honduran
democracy. Its bullying might work. But it will never be able to brag about what
it has done.
Reuters
Supporters of Honduran President Roberto
Micheletti (August 24.). The U.S. continues to implement punitive measures
against the country.
The most recent example of the Obama-style Good Neighbor Policy was the
announcement last week that visa services for Hondurans are suspended
indefinitely, and that some $135 million in bilateral aid might be cut. But
these are only the public examples of its hardball tactics. Much nastier stuff
is going on behind the scenes, practiced by a presidency that once promised the
American people greater transparency and a less interventionist foreign policy.
To recap, the Honduran military in June executed a Supreme Court arrest
warrant against Mr. Zelaya for trying to hold a referendum on whether he should
be able to run for a second term. Article 239 of the Honduran constitution
states that any president who tries for a second term automatically loses the
privilege of his office. By insisting that Mr. Zelaya be returned to power, the
U.S. is trying to force Honduras to violate its own constitution.
It is also asking Hondurans to risk the fate of Venezuela. They know how
Venezuela's Hugo Chávez went from being democratically elected the first time,
in 1998, to making himself dictator for life. He did it by destroying his
country's institutional checks and balances. When Mr. Zelaya moved to do the
same in Honduras, the nation cut him off at the pass.
For Mr. Chávez, Mr. Zelaya's return to power is crucial. The Venezuelan is
actively spreading his Marxist gospel around the region and Mr. Zelaya was his
man in Tegucigalpa.
The Honduran push-back is a major setback for Caracas. That's why Mr. Chávez
has mobilized the Latin left to demand Mr. Zelaya's return. Last week, Dominican
Republic President Leonel Fernández joined the fray, calling for Honduras to be
kicked out of the Central American Free Trade Agreement (Cafta). Mr. Fernandez
is a close friend of Mr. Chávez and a beneficiary of Venezuela's
oil-for-obedience program in the Caribbean.
Mr. Obama apparently wants in on this leftie-fest. He ran for president, in
essence, against George W. Bush. Mr. Bush was unpopular in socialist circles.
This administration wants to show that it can be cool with Mr. Chávez and
friends.
Mr. Obama's methods are decidedly uncool. Prominent Hondurans, including
leading members of the business community, complain that a State Department
official has been pressuring them to push the interim government to accept the
return of Mr. Zelaya to power.
When I asked the State Department whether it was employing such dirty tricks
a spokeswoman would only say the U.S. has been "encouraging all members of civil
society to support the San Jose 'accord'"—which calls for Mr. Zelaya to be
restored to power. Perhaps something was lost in the translation but threats to
use U.S. power against a small, poor nation hardly qualify as encouragement.
Elsewhere in the region there are reports that U.S. officials have been
calling Latin governments to demand that they support the U.S. position. When I
asked State whether that was true, a spokeswoman would not answer the question.
She would only say that the U.S. is "cooperating with the [Organization of
American States] and [Costa Rican President] Oscar Arias to support the San José
accord."
In other words, though it won't admit to coercion, it is fully engaged in
arm-twisting at the OAS in order to advance its agenda.
This not only seems unfair to the Honduran democracy but it also seems to
contradict an earlier U.S. position. In a letter to Sen. Richard Lugar on Aug.
4, the State Department claimed that its "strategy for engagement is not based
on any particular politician or individual" but rather finding "a "resolution
that best serves the Honduran people and their democratic aspirations."
A lot of Hondurans believe that the U.S. isn't using its brass knuckles to
serve their "democratic aspirations" at all, but the quite-opposite aspirations
of a neighborhood thug.
Write to O'Grady@wsj.com
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