PRESIDENT Obama, who found time to go on a 24-hour jaunt to Copenhagen on Oct.
2 to seek the 2016 Olympic Games for Chicago, apparently can't find the time
for a 24-hour trip to Berlin on Nov. 9 for a celebration of the 20th
anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall. Well, we all have our priorities,
and the president can't be everywhere at once, and Secretary of State Hillary
Clinton will surely represent America ably in Berlin.
Still, it seemed an odd decision to me -- until I went back and got the
speech that candidate Obama delivered on July 24, 2008, to a crowd of 200,000
in the Tiergarten in Berlin. As I reread the text, it struck me that there
would be an embarrassing contrast between what Obama said in Berlin 15 months
ago and many policies he has been pursuing as president.
Obama: Running away from strong stands he took abroad as candidate.
Some conservatives were irritated that Obama introduced himself at the
Tiergarten as "a fellow citizen of the world." But before that, he declared
himself "a proud citizen of the United States," and of his 46 paragraphs only
one was devoted to an apology for America's misdeeds, "our share of mistakes,"
"times when our actions around the world have not lived up to our best
intentions." Quite a contrast here from the more profuse apologies he has made
abroad this year.
Obama, in seven stirring paragraphs, also recounted America's airlift of
food and fuel to Berlin when the Soviets cut off land access in 1948. True, at
one point he suggested that the Berlin Wall came down because "there is no
challenge too great for a world that stands as one." But he also spoke of "the
bullet holes in the buildings and the somber stones and pillars near the
Brandenburg Gate," evidence of Soviet oppression.
These portions of the Tiergarten speech looking to the past could be
repeated, with different phrasing, in a speech commemorating the fall of the
Wall. But the portions of the Tiergarten speech looking to the future would
pose some problems.
In the Tiergarten, Obama spoke of "the terrorists who threaten our security
in Afghanistan" and of the need "to defeat the Taliban and al Qaeda" there.
That doesn't mesh well with his recent reconsideration of the Afghanistan
strategy he announced in March and reiterated in August or with the White
House spin doctors' suggestion that the Taliban and al Qaeda aren't
necessarily allies anymore.
In the Tiergarten, Obama asserted his "resolve to work with Russia when we
can, to stand up for our values when we must and to seek a partnership that
extends across this whole continent." That doesn't mesh very well with the
"reset button" policy toward Russia that looks past its attacks on Georgia and
Ukraine and propitiates the Putin regime with unilateral withdrawal of
missile-defense installations from Poland and the Czech Republic.
In the Tiergarten, Obama said America must "stand with Europe in sending a
direct message to Iran that it must abandon its nuclear ambitions." But that
message, if sent, has evidently not had the intended effect on the mullah
regime, which is drawing out negotiations while presumably continuing its
nuclear program apace.
"Will we stand for the human rights of the dissident in Burma, the blogger
in Iran or the voter in Zimbabwe?" Obama asked in the Tiergarten. "Will we
give meaning to the words 'never again' in Darfur?"
Well, the administration has toughened up a bit on its negotiator's
recommendation that we give "cookies and gold stars" to the Sudanese regime
that has terrorized Darfur, and our diplomats have tried to help out in
Zimbabwe. But we haven't done much of anything for the dissident in Burma, and
Obama, while truckling to the mullahs, showed stony indifference to the
thousands protesting the stealing of the June 12 Iran elections.
Last year, Obama told Berliners that we and they are "heirs to a struggle
for freedom." This year, his administration has been busy trying to appease
dictatorial and authoritarian regimes. So maybe he was wise to skip a return
appearance in Berlin. Let Clinton gloss over the embarrassing contrast between
his rhetoric then and his policies now.
Michael Barone is senior political analyst for The Washington Examiner.