On Jan. 14, five days before the Massachusetts special election, President
Obama was in full bring-it-on mode as he rallied House Democrats behind his
health-care reform. "If Republicans want to campaign against what we've done by
standing up for the status quo and for insurance companies over American
families and businesses, that is a fight I want to have."
The bravado lasted three days. When Obama campaigned in Boston on Jan. 17 for
Obamacare supporter Martha Coakley, not once did he mention the health-care
bill. When your candidate is sinking, you don't throw her a millstone.
After Coakley's defeat, Obama pretended that the real cause was a
generalized anger and frustration "not just because of what's happened in the
last year or two years, but what's happened over the last eight years."
Let's get this straight: The antipathy to George W. Bush is so enduring and
powerful that . . . it just elected a Republican senator in Massachusetts?
Why, the man is omnipotent.
And the Democrats are delusional: Scott Brown won by running against Obama,
not Bush. He won by brilliantly nationalizing the race, running hard against
the Obama agenda, most notably Obamacare. Killing it was his No. 1 campaign
promise.
Bull's-eye. An astonishing 56 percent of Massachusetts voters, according to
a Rasmussen poll, called health care their top issue. In a
Fabrizio, McLaughlin & Associates poll,
78 percent of Brown voters said their vote was intended to stop Obamacare.
Only a quarter of all voters in the Rasmussen poll cited the economy as their
top issue, nicely refuting the Democratic view that Massachusetts was just the
usual anti-incumbent resentment you expect in bad economic times.
Brown ran on a very specific, very clear agenda. Stop health care. Don't
Mirandize terrorists. Don't raise taxes; cut them. And no more secret backroom
deals with special interests.
These deals -- the Louisiana purchase, the Cornhusker kickback -- had
engendered a national disgust with the corruption and arrogance of one-party
rule. The final straw was the union payoff -- in which labor bosses smugly
walked out of the White House with a five-year exemption from a ("Cadillac")
health insurance tax Democrats were imposing on the
92 percent of
private-sector workers who are not unionized.
The reason both wings of American liberalism -- congressional and
mainstream media -- were so surprised at the force of anti-Democratic
sentiment is that they'd spent Obama's first year either ignoring or
disdaining the clear early signs of resistance: the tea-party movement of the
spring and the town-hall meetings of the summer. With characteristic
condescension, they contemptuously dismissed the protests as the mere
excrescences of a redneck, retrograde, probably racist rabble.
You would think lefties could discern a proletarian vanguard when they see
one. Yet they kept denying the reality of the rising opposition to Obama's
social democratic agenda when summer turned to fall and Virginia and New
Jersey turned Republican in the year's two gubernatorial elections.
The evidence was unmistakable. Independents, who in 2008 had elected Obama,
swung massively against the Democrats: dropping 16 points in Virginia, 21 in
New Jersey. On Tuesday, it was even worse: Independents, who had gone 2-to-1
Republican in Virginia and New Jersey, now went 3-to-1 Republican in
hyper-blue Massachusetts. Nor was this an expression of the more agitated
elements who vote in obscure low-turnout elections. The turnout on Tuesday was
the highest for any nonpresidential Massachusetts election in 20 years.
Democratic cocooners will tell themselves that Coakley was a terrible
candidate who even managed to diss Curt Schilling. True, Brown had Schilling.
But Coakley had Obama. When the bloody sock beats the presidential seal -- of
a man who had them swooning only a year ago -- something is going on beyond
personality.
That something is substance -- political ideas and legislative agendas.
Democrats, if they wish, can write off their Massachusetts humiliation to high
unemployment, to Coakley or, the current favorite among sophisticates, to
generalized anger. That implies an inchoate, unthinking lashing-out at whoever
happens to be in power -- even at your liberal betters who are forcing on you
an agenda that you can't even see is in your own interest.
Democrats must so rationalize, otherwise they must take democracy
seriously, and ask themselves: If the people really don't want it, could they
possibly have a point?
"If you lose Massachusetts and that's not a wake-up call," said moderate --
and sentient -- Democratic Sen. Evan Bayh of Indiana, "there's no hope of
waking up."
I say: Let them sleep.
letters@charleskrauthammer.com